Puerto Rican attorney Alejandro Torres Rivera looks at the very real threat facing Venezuela and provides evidence that "the threat against Venezuela is certainly not a bizarre idea. It is up to all of us, as this year begins, to redouble our solidarity with the Venezuelan people and the defense of their Revolution."
Venezuelan Vice President and Defense Minister RamÃ³n Alonso Carrizales stated that his nation’s government held objective proof of the violation by a U.S. military aircraft of Venezuelan air space.
He said the following:Â Â "On May 17, 2009, an American war plane took off from CuraÃ§ao, violated our air space and a flight-exclusion zone, the Orchilla Air Base. We have a record of the dialogue between the control tower and the aircraft, in which the pilot was asked if he had authorization to overfly the area and what the motive for his incursion was."
More recently, Venezuelan President Hugo ChÃ¡vez FrÃas also denounced the entry into Venezuelan territory of a P-3 aircraft for about 15 minutes. The plane was escorted out of Venezuelan air space by F-16 aircraft of the Venezuelan Air Force.
The same plane that afternoon returned to pierce the Venezuelan air space for about 19 minutes and was again escorted out of Venezuelan air space by F-16 fighters of the Venezuelan Air Force.
The denunciation made by the Venezuelan minister and the one made by President ChÃ¡vez again bring to public discussion the topic of the coups d’Ã©tat in Latin American countries, particularly at a time when the government of Venezuela is denouncing Colombia’s plans, encouraged by the United States, to create the conditions Âto justify an aggression against our nation on the basis of false-positives or simulations of punishable deeds.Â
Modesto Emilio Guerrero’s essay ÂMemoirs of Coups d’Ãtat in Latin America During the 20th CenturyÂ quotes Cursio Malaparte, author of ÂThe Technique of the Coup d’Ãtat,Â as saying that the coup d’Ã©tat is nothing more than a Ârecourse to power when there is a risk of losing power.Â
The author says that, in 1968, 62 percent of Latin America, Africa, the Middle East and Southwest Asia were governed by military dictatorships. He also says that a study of 25 countries between 1902 and the 2002 coup against Venezuela’s constitutional president, Hugo ChÃ¡vez FrÃas, revealed that Â327 coups d’Ã©tat took place, counting those that stabilized as dictatorships for months or years and those that lasted a few days, like the repeated coups in Bolivia.Â
In his list of coups during the 20th Century, he ranks Bolivia first, with 56; Guatemala, 36; Peru, 31; Panama, 24; Ecuador, 23; Cuba, 17; Haiti, 16 until 1995; the Dominican Republic, 16; Venezuela, 12; Brazil, 10; Chile, 9; Colombia and Argentina, 8, and Uruguay, 5.
Little more than 10 coups were staged on the Caribbean islands. In countries like Paraguay, Nicaragua and the Dominican Republic, the military dictatorships that usurped the political power held control of the nation for decades.
According to Guerrero, Âin almost 30 percent of the cases, the coups and the dictatorships resulted from the direct intervention of United States troops, at least from the end of the Spanish-American War. If we look only at the Caribbean and Central America down to Panama, the rate would approach 70 percent.Â
In an essay titled ÂMaking Coups d’Ãtat Invisible: What the Hegemonic Theory of Political Science Refuses To See,Â Atilio BorÃ³n denounced on Jan. 5 a theory about Honduras, propounded by a report by the LatinobarÃ³metro Corporation in Santiago, Chile, that says:
ÂIn the year 2009, Latin America suffered for the first time a coup d’Ã©tat after 31 years since democracy was inaugurated in the so-called Âthird wave of democracy.ÂÂ
According to BorÃ³n, such assertion Âis not only a notable error of history but also a symptom of something a lot deeper. It reveals the incurable limitations of the hegemonic concept of theory and methodology in social sciences that date back to our Anglo-Saxon inspiration.Â
To document the falsity of the information provided by the LatinobarÃ³metro Corp., BorÃ³n recreates what happened during the coups d’Ã©tat in Venezuela on April 11, 2002, and establishes the participation of the United States and Spain, as well as the complicity of functionaries in the European Union and the then-existing governments of Colombia and El Salvador.
BorÃ³n also reminds us of the coups in El Salvador in 1979; Bolivia in 1978, 1979 and 1980; Paraguay in 1989; Haiti in 1988, 1990, 1991 and 2004.
To these coups, we could add those promoted by the United States in the second half of the 20th Century, to wit:
Â the coup d’Ã©tat in Cuba by Fulgencio Batista in 1952;
Â the overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala in 1954;
Â the armed invasion promoted against the Cuban Revolution on Bay of Pigs in 1961;
Â the coup against JosÃ© MarÃa Velasco Ibarra in Ecuador in 1961;
Â the coup against Brazilian President JoÃ£o Goulart in 1964;
Â the invasion of the Dominican Republic on April 28, 1965;
Â the deployment in Guatemala and Bolivia of Green Beret military advisers in 1966-67;
Â the coups in Uruguay and Chile in 1973;
Â the military dictatorship in Argentina, beginning in 1976;
Â the intervention in the Salvadoran conflict in 1980;
Â the support from Honduras of the Dirty War against the Sandinista revolution, beginning in 1980;
Â the invasion of Grenada in 1983;
Â the invasion of Panama in 1989;
Â the intervention in Nicaragua’s electoral process in the 1990 elections;
Â the Plan Colombia, beginning in 2000;
Â the coup d’Ã©tat in Venezuela in 2002, and
Â the coup d’Ã©tat in Honduras in 2009.
For these events, BorÃ³n points out, palliatives are used to describe bloody and illegal deeds that lead to the overthrow of governments that were installed legitimately by the people. Thus, the Newspeak creates terminology that justifies the theory of the coup, such as Âliberating revolution,Â Âprocess of national reorganization,Â Âgovernment of national reconciliation,Â Âgovernment of national salvation,Â Âsolution to a power vacuum,Â Âtransition government,Â Âinterim government,Â etc.
The government of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela is right when it denounces its concern over the increasingly open threats posed against it by the U.S. and Colombian policies. One need only read the essay written by Wayne Madsen and Richard Bennett on April 19, 2002, titled ÂU.S. Returns to Bad Old Ways in Venezuela.Â
ÂUnder the cover of training exercises in the Caribbean, the U.S. Navy provided signals intelligence and communications-jamming support to the Venezuelan military,Â the document says.
ÂFor its part, the CIA provided Special Operations Group personnel under the command of a lieutenant colonel assigned by the Special Operations Command in Fort Bragg, N.C. They had been in Venezuela since 2001 and belonged to the U.S. Special Operations Intelligence Support Activity. They reportedly made contact with high-ranking officers in the Venezuelan Armed Forces, including Gen. Lucas RincÃ³n, Vice Minister of Security; Gen. Luis Camacho Kairuz; businessmen and labor union leaders from the Venezuelan Workers Federation, among others.
ÂThe coup was also supported by Special Operations psychological warfare (PSYOPs) personnel deployed from Fort Bragg, North Carolina. They put together Spanish-language television announcements, purportedly from Venezuelan political and business leaders and aired by Venezuelan television and radio stations, saying Chavez "provoked" the crisis by ordering his supporters to fire on peaceful protesters in Caracas. U.S. electronic warfare technicians also helped to jam cell phone and radio frequencies in Caracas and other major cities in co-operation with the Intelligence Battalion Brig. Gen. AndrÃ©s Ibarra of the Venezuelan Army’s high command.Â
The threat against Venezuela is certainly not a bizarre idea. It is up to all of us, as this year begins, to redouble our solidarity with the Venezuelan people and the defense of their Revolution.
This article is an excerpt from an article written by Puerto Rican attorney Alejandro Torres Rivera. Originally published at Progreso WeeklyÂ
January 15, 2010