By the Marx Memorial Library ( London)

August 12, 2024

 

Most currently popular arguments for degrowth describe a real problem without recognizing  its true cause: capitalism’s insatiable need to accumulate, argues the Marx Memorial Library.

“Degrowth” refers to arguments advocating a reduction in    human    production and consumption. Proponents of degrowth argue that the current focus on economic  growth  as  an  indicator  of social prosperity leads to the depletion of living and mineral resources,  to  pollution  of  air,  land sea, loss of species and the degradation  of  ecosystems  as  well as to gross social inequality.

The concept challenges the prevailing  idea  of  continuous  economic growth as a primary objective: it questions the sustainability of perpetual expansion on a finite planet.

It  is  as  relevant  today  as  ever given the Labour government’s threadbare Partnership with Business for Growth  manifesto,  abandonment  of  its  earlier  commitments to a “green transformation” and repeated declarations that “growth” is the only way of funding even its limited proposals for sustaining or improving public services.

It’s interesting that most of the books advocating degrowth (also called post-growth) come from what  is  now  called  the  “global  North”  —  from  countries   (and   individuals)   that   have experienced the benefits as  well  as  disbenefits  of  (economic) growth. That of course doesn’t  mean  that  they  have  nothing to say. But it does mean looking critically at the “solutions” proposed.

Arguments against “growth” are not new. Fifty years ago the Club  of  Rome  (an  “invisible  college”  of  notable  scientists,  economists,   business   executives, high-level civil servants and former heads of state from around the [mainly capitalist] world) declared that “growth” (of all types) was unsustainable.

It   funded   the   Massachusetts  Institute  of  Technology  to produce a computer model to  “prove”  it.  The  Limits  to  Growth published in 1972 concluded: “If the present trends in world population, industrialisation,  pollution,  food  production and resource depletion continue unchanged, the limits to  growth  on  this  planet  will  be  reached  sometime within  the  next  hundred  years.  The  most probable result will be a rather sudden and uncontrollable decline in both population and industrial capacity.”

Two  million  copies  of  the  book were sold worldwide, and it  received  wide  media  attention. Reactions from the right and  left  were  mixed,  varying  from  cocky   optimism
(that capitalism  —  or  socialism  —  would   “automatically”   solve   the problems) to despair.

There were also some more critical analyses. A team at Sussex University’s science policy research unit (SPRU) under its director,  the  Marxist  economist Chris Freeman, analysed the  models  in  depth.  Making  the  point  that  all  computer  output depends essentially on the quality of the input — on the  data  and  assumptions  on  which the computer model is based, they declared “Computer models cannot replace theory.” The  team  concluded:  “The  Growth   versus   No   Growth   debate  has  become  a  rather  sterile one of the Tweedledum/ Tweedledee   variety   because   it  tends  to  ignore  the  really  important  issues  of  the  composition  of  growth  in  output  and of the distribution of the fruits of growth.

“Some  types  of  growth  are  consistent   not   merely   with   the  conservation  of  the  environment but with its enhancement. The problem in our view is a socio-political one of stimulating this type of growth, and of more equitable distribution, both   within   countries   and   between them.”

Others at SPRU drew a connection  between  the  Limits  study (funded by a consortium of second-rank multinationals) and  a  new  stage  in  the  crisis  of   capitalism,   in   particular   the end of the post-1945 “long boom.”

A  half-century  later,  computers have become infinitely more powerful and computer modelling more complex. “World  models”  have  continued but most add little to the conclusions  of  the  1972  study  and  are  subject  to  the  same  constraints and criticisms.

At  the  same  time,  environmental concerns have shifted. Human demography is now recognised to be much more than a  question  of  numbers:  as  an  earlier Full Marx Q&A emphasised, population dynamics are intimately related  to  economics,  politics  and history.

Tumbling fertility rates (the mean number of children born per  woman)  mean  that  three  out of four countries may have a shrinking (and ageing) population by mid-century.

Starvation and malnutrition are  caused  by  the  inability  of  the  poor  to  purchase  what  is  produced; there has never yet been  a  year  when  global  per  capita   food   production   has   fallen  below  subsistence  levels.  The  depletion  of  mineral  resources   has   been   successively  met  by  technical  fixes  (although  how  long  this  can  continue is debatable).

Increasingly,  attention  has  shifted in  particular  to  biogeochemical  cycles  and  the  ability of the planet to absorb pollution, most specifically in relation to climate change: the depletion of fossil fuels is recognised  as  a  secondary  issue  to their impact on the carbon cycle.

And most recently a succession  of  reports  from  the  UN  Intergovernmental Panel  on  Climate Change have analysed the  physical  science  basis  for  the  climate  crisis;  its  consequences (including implications for agriculture, ecosystems and human wellbeing)   and   the   potential  for  mitigation.  All  show that “business as usual” is a recipe for disaster.

It’s  no  accident  that  as  big  business has itself appropriated much environmental rhetoric as  a  greenwash  to  hide  its  continuing destruction of our Earth,  it  has  become  fashionable  in  the  “global  North”  to  focus  on  individual  lifestyle  changes  as  a  solution  to  the  environmental crisis.

That approach includes some sections  of  the  left.  A  recent  book (reviewed in the journal Theory  and  Struggle)  asserts  that  “the  meaning  of  revolution  today”  is  to  “change  the  world  without  taking  power” through  “an  immediate  exit  from  capitalism  effected  through  experimenting  with  practical alternatives and alternative counter-ideas.”

This    is    to    be    secured    “through a new cultural    hegemony   around   convivial   and  freely  chosen  degrowth.  Neither  economic  nor  political  force works.”  Capitalism,  for the authors, is merely part of a “growth imaginary.” There’s  no  recognition,  let  alone analysis of its dynamics or why (apart from that “imaginary”) it should be so destructive — not a difficult thing to do  (Marx  and  Engels  started  the debate over a century and a  half  ago).  Nor  is  there  any  clear perception of how it can be challenged.

Capitalism,   of   course,   is   delighted  to  have  its  role  in  the crisis masked by a rhetoric that  places  the  responsibility  for  solving  it  on  individuals.  And at a policy level, its remedy, “green capitalism” (carbon credits,    emissions    trading,    offsetting,  new  technologies  of  carbon  capture,  all  part  of  the ongoing financialisation of nature and contributing to that illusory  metric  of  “growth”)  offers  little  more  than  a  new  greenwashed regime of capital accumulation.

Keir Starmer declared in his   election manifesto that Labour would “kick-start  economic growth,” a promise reflected in the King’s Speech that “securing economic growth will be a fundamental mission” involving  “a  new  partnership  with  both   business   and   working   people.”

That’s worse than waffle, of course.  It’s  dishonest,  dangerous, destructive waffle. Starmer has  no  policies  to  prevent  the  closure  of  the  Grangemouth  refinery (one of the few remaining in Britain) or to protect steel making jobs in Port Talbot; nor had he anything to say about the Offshore  Petroleum  Licensing  Bill which would have allowed the petroleum giants to further expand profits producing more oil, most of which will be traded on the world markets contributing  to  the  ongoing  disaster  of  climate change.

What the “degrowth” movement has done is to stimulate more critical thinking among Marxists  and  socialists  about  the  nature  of  production  and  consumption under capitalism and  how  the  struggle  to  protect jobs and living standards including  the  “social  wage”  need  not  be  in  conflict  with  protecting  the  environment.  Rather,  the  two  go  hand  in hand  they  form  an  essential  element in the struggle to build a better society.We’ll develop this further in the second part of this answer.

  • Morning Star, Full Marx Feature. Part 2 will appear at our next posting

 

-This  is  Full  Marx  Q&A  number  119.  Past  answers  can  be  downloaded  from  the Marx  Memorial  Library’s website at www.tinyurl.com/FullMarx  and  links  to  these and to versions in the Morning Star can be found at https://morningstaronline.co.uk/.